Cicero Iran Hostage Crisis Guided Reading Answers

The Iran hostage crisis lasted from November 4, 1979 until Jan 20, 1981, a 444-twenty-four hours catamenia. During the crunch, the "Muslim Student Followers of the Imam'due south Line," (student proxies of the new Iranian authorities) held hostage 63 diplomats and 3 other United States citizens within the American Diplomatic mission in Tehran.

The hostage-takers released several captives, leaving 53 hostages at the end.^[1] The The states launched a rescue operation, Operation Eagle Claw, which failed, causing the deaths of eight servicemen. Some historians consider the crisis to have been a primary reason for U.Due south. President Jimmy Carter's loss in his re-election bid for the presidency in 1980.^[2] The crunch also punctuated the first Islamic revolution of modern times.

Daftar Isi

The crisis was ended past the Algiers Accords, although Iran alleges the U.S. hasn't fulfilled its commitments.^[iii] This struggle brought home to America the widening conflict between Heart Eastern Islam and Western culture.

Background

For several decades the Us had been an ally and backer of Islamic republic of iran's Shah, or monarch, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. During World War II, Allied powers Britain and the Soviet Wedlock occupied Iran to go along it from joining the Axis, forcing the reigning monarch, Reza Shah, to abdicate in favor of his son. ^[4] During the Cold State of war Iran allied itself with the U.South. against the Soviet Union, her neighbor and sometime enemy. America provided the Shah with military and economical aid, while Islamic republic of iran provided a steady oil supply and valuable strategic presence in the Middle East. Sharing a border with both the Persian Gulf and the Soviet Union, Islamic republic of iran was a valuable strategic asset.

In 1953, Prime number Minister Mohammed Mossadegh, a nationalist and political enemy of the Shah, nationalized Iran's foreign-endemic and managed oil producer, the Anglo Iranian Oil Visitor. Its furious British owners withdrew employees, ceasing oil production and royalties to the Iranian government. The American CIA and British intelligence launched Operation Ajax, helping the Shah and the Iranian military to remove Mossadegh in what was widely seen as a coup d'état, despite the fact that the Shah was legally entitled to dismiss Mossadegh. In subsequent decades, this strange intervention—along with problems like unequal development, political repression, corruption, pro-Israeli policies, and the un-Islamic opulent Western lifestyle of the Iranian elite—united radical Islamists and leftists, spurring the overthrow of the Shah's regime in the Iranian revolution. The Shah was exiled in January 1979.

Following the Shah's overthrow, the U.S. attempted to mitigate the harm by finding a new relationship with the de facto Iranian government, but on Oct 22, 1979, the Shah, ailing from cancer, was admitted to the U.S. for medical treatment. This caused widespread anger in Iran. Furious at what he called "show of American plotting," revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khomeini intensified rhetoric against "Great Satan," i.e. the United States.^[5]

Events

Muslim educatee followers of the Imam'southward line burn the American flag on the wall of the American Embassy in Tehran, shortly subsequently seizing the compound.

Planning

The original thought to seize the American embassy was contrived by Ebrahim Asgharzadeh in September of 1979. The heads of the Islamic associations of the main universities of Tehran, including University of Tehran, Sharif University of Engineering, Amirkabir University of Engineering science (polytechnic of Tehran), and the Islamic republic of iran University of Science and Technology, gathered.

According to Asgharzadeh, there were five students at that first planning meeting. 2 of them wanted to target the Soviet diplomatic mission, because, he said, the USSR was "a Marxist and anti-God regime." Merely the two others—Mohsen Mirdamadi and Habibolah Bitaraf—supported Asgharzadeh'due south pick. "Our aim was to object to the American government by going to their embassy and occupying it for several hours," he said. "Announcing our objections from within the occupied compound would acquit our bulletin to the world in a much more house and constructive way."^[6] Those who rejected this programme didn't participate in the subsequent events.

The students have denied that Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was involved.^[seven] They wanted to inform him of their plan through Ayatollah Musavi Khoeyniha, just Musavi Khoeyniha couldn't inform him earlier the hostages were taken, so he only became enlightened of the action when hostages were taken. Later, Ruhollah Khomeini supported the seizure and called it, "The second revolution: The take-over of the American spy den in Tehran."

Public opinion in Islamic republic of iran

Post-obit the access of the Shah to the Us on November 1, 1979, Iran's new Supreme Leader, the Islamic radical Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini urged his people to demonstrate against United states and Israeli interests. Khomeini denounced the American government equally the "Peachy Satan" and "Enemies of Islam." Islamic, leftist, and fifty-fifty liberal activists in Iran competed with each other to denounce the U.S.

November iv

For several days before the takeover, Asgharzadeh dispatched confederates to rooftops overlooking the embassy to monitor the security procedures of the U.S. Marine guards. Around vi:30 a.m. on the mean solar day, the ringleaders gathered 300 selected students, thereafter known as Muslim student followers of the Imam's line, and briefed them on the battle plan. To pause the chains locking the embassy's gates, a female person student was given a pair of metallic cutters that she could hide below her chador.

They could achieve the embassy easily, considering thousands of people were gathered around the U.S. embassy in Tehran protesting. The diplomatic mission grounds had been briefly occupied before, during the revolution, and crowds of protesters outside the fence were common. Iranian police had become less and less helpful to the embassy staff.

The guard of Marines was thoroughly outnumbered, and staff rushed to destroy communications equipment and sensitive documents. Out of 90 occupants, 66 were taken captive, including three who were later taken from the Iranian Foreign Ministry.

444 days hostage

The hostage takers, declaring their solidarity with other "oppressed minorities" and "the special place of women in Islam," released xiii women and African American hostages in the middle of Nov. One more hostage, Richard Queen, was released in July 1980, afterward beingness diagnosed with multiple sclerosis. The remaining 52 hostages were held convict until January 1981, and often paraded blindfolded before local crowds and television cameras. The crisis led to daily (yet seemingly unchanging) news updates, including the ABC late-night plan America Held Hostage, anchored by Ted Koppel, which would later become the stalwart news magazine Nightline.

Although the hostage takers' initial plan was just to hold the diplomatic mission for a few hours, their plan changed. The Ayatollah Khomeini made no comment on the occupation for several days, waiting starting time to approximate American reaction to the hostage taking, which he feared might spur military activity. No action was forthcoming. American President Jimmy Carter's immediate response was to appeal for release of the hostages on humanitarian grounds. Some credit this relatively soft line to his hopes for a strategic anti-communist brotherhood with the Islamic Republic for the Iranian. Khomeini, for his role, read Carter'southward response equally weakness and decided not to release the hostages speedily. Iran's moderate prime government minister Mehdi Bazargan and his cabinet resigned nether pressure only after the event (Nov. 6). Bazargan was attacked for his coming together with American official Zbigniew Brzezinski and inability to muster support for the release of the hostages.^[viii] Ayatollah Khomeini claimed he was non aware of the Muslim student's programme, simply applauded the action afterwards. Plainly, the Ayatollah had only been informed on Nov 3.

In the U.s., public opinion was as well inflamed and all but unanimous in its outrage against the hostage-taking and its Islamic perpetrators. The activeness was seen "as not just a diplomatic affront," but a "declaration of state of war on diplomacy itself,"^[9] by its violation of centuries old international law. President Jimmy Carter applied economic and diplomatic pressure on Iran: Oil imports from Islamic republic of iran were ended on Nov 12, 1979, and effectually U.Southward. $viii billion of Iranian assets in America were frozen on Nov 14, 1979. In the politically charged atmosphere a number of Iranians in the U.South. were expelled.

The Muslim educatee followers of the Imam's line justified taking the hostages as retaliation for the access of the Shah into the U.S., and demanded the Shah be returned to Iran for trial and execution. The U.Southward. maintained the Shah—who was suffering from cancer and died less than a year afterward in July 1980—had come to America only for medical attention. Other demands of the hostage-takers included an amends past the U.Southward. government for its interference in the internal affairs of Iran and for the overthrow of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, and that Islamic republic of iran'southward frozen assets be released. Revolutionary teams displayed hush-hush documents taken from the diplomatic mission, sometimes painstakingly reconstructed after shredding,^[10] to buttress their merits that "the Neat Satan" was trying to destabilize the new authorities, and that Iranian moderates were in league with the United States.

The elapsing of the hostages' captivity has been blamed on internal Iranian revolutionary politics. Not only theocratic Islamics, only leftist political groups like the radical People's Mujahedin of Islamic republic of iran ^[11] supported the taking of American hostages as an attack on American imperialism and its alleged Iranian "tools of the West." Past embracing the hostage-taking under the slogan "America tin't practice a damn thing," Khomeini rallied back up and deflected criticism from his controversial Islamic theocratic constitution, a referendum vote on which was less than i month away.^[12] Post-obit the successful plebiscite, both radical leftists and theocrats connected to use the outcome of alleged pro-Americanism to suppress their opponents, the (relatively) moderate political forces, including the Iranian Freedom Movement, National Front, K Ayatollah Shari'atmadari,^[13] and later President Bani Sadr. In particular, "carefully selected" diplomatic dispatches and reports discovered at the embassy and released by the hostage takers led to the arrests and resignations of moderate figures such as Premier Mehdi Bazargan.^[14] The political danger of whatsoever move seen every bit all-around to America, along with the failed rescue attempt, delayed a negotiated release. After the hostages were released, radical leftists and theocrats turned on each other, with the stronger theocratic grouping decimating the left.

Canadian Caper

On the day of the seizure, American diplomats evaded capture and remained in hiding at the Swedish and Canadian Embassies. In 1979, the Canadian parliament held a clandestine session for the starting time fourth dimension since World War II, in lodge to pass special legislation assuasive Canadian passports to be issued to some American citizens so that they could escape. Half-dozen American diplomats boarded a flight to Zurich, Switzerland on January 28, 1980. Their escape and rescue from Iran by Canadian ambassador Ken Taylor has come to be known equally the "Canadian antic."^[fifteen]

Laingen dispatches

During the earnest crunch, several foreign government diplomats and ambassadors came to visit the American hostages. Ken Taylor of Canada was one of the ambassadors who visited the hostages. The foreign diplomats and ambassadors helped the American regime stay in contact with the American hostages and vice versa. Through these meetings with foreign governments, the "Laingen dispatches" occurred. The "Laingen dispatches" were dispatches fabricated past the hostage Bruce Laingen to the American government.

Rescue Attempts

The wreckage of a Sea Stallion helicopter at the Desert One base of operations in Iran. In the background is 1 of five abandoned RH-53D Body of water Stallion Helicopters that now serve in the Iranian Navy.

Rejecting the Iranian demands, Carter approved an ill-fated secret rescue mission, Operation Eagle Claw. On the night of Apr 24, 1980, every bit the offset function of the operation, a number of C-130 transport airplanes rendezvoused with viii RH-53 helicopters at an airstrip chosen Desert One in the Great Common salt Desert of Eastern Iran, near Tabas. Two helicopters broke downwards in a sandstorm and a third one was damaged on landing. The mission was aborted by executive order from the president, simply equally the aircraft took off once again 1 helicopter clipped a C-130 and crashed, killing viii U.Southward. servicemen and injuring five others. In Iran, Khomeini'south prestige skyrocketed as he credited divine intervention on behalf of Islam for the mission'south failure.^[16]

A second rescue attempt was planned using highly modified YMC-130H Hercules aircraft. Outfitted with rocket thrusters fore and aft to let an extremely curt landing and take-off in a soccer stadium, three shipping were modified under a rushed super-secret program known as Credible Sport. One aircraft crashed during a demonstration at Duke Field, Florida (Eglin Air Force Base Auxiliary Field 3) on October 29, 1980, when the landing braking rockets were fired besides soon causing a hard touchdown that tore off the starboard wing and started a fire. All on lath survived. The impending change in the White Firm led to an abandonment of this projection. The two surviving airframes were returned to regular duty with the rocket packages removed. Ane is now on display at the Museum of Aviation located next to Robins Air Force Base,Georgia.^[17]

Final months

The death of the Shah on July 27, and the invasion of Iran by Iraq in September, 1980 made Iran more receptive to resolve the hostage crisis, while Carter lost the November 1980 presidential election in a landslide to Ronald Reagan. Shortly after the election, simply before the inauguration of President Reagan, the Carter assistants, with the assist of intermediaries such as Algerian diplomat Abdulkarim Ghuraib, opened fruitful, but demeaning, negotiations between the U.S. (Still under President Carter) and Iran. This resulted in the "Algiers Accords" of January 19, 1981, committing Islamic republic of iran to free the hostages immediately. Essential to the Algiers Accords and reportedly a non-negotiable requirement of Iran that the weak Carter Administration reluctantly conceded was Point I: Not-Intervention in Iranian Affairs. Information technology reads "The United States pledges that it is and from at present on will be the policy of the Us not to intervene, direct or indirectly, politically or militarily, in Iran's internal affairs." Other provisions of the Algiers Accords were the unfreezing of eight billion dollars worth of Iranian avails and immunity from lawsuits Islamic republic of iran might have faced. On January twenty, 1981, xx minutes later on President Reagan's inaugural address, the hostages were formally released into U.S. custody, having spent 444 days in captivity. The hostages were flown to People's democratic republic of algeria as a symbolic gesture for the help of that government in resolving the crisis, where onetime President Carter, acting equally an emissary for the Reagan assistants, received them. The flight continued to Rhein-Main Air Base in West Germany. After medical check-ups and debriefings they took a second flight to Stewart Air Force Base in Newburgh, New York, and a bus ride to the Us Armed forces Academy, receiving a hero's welcome all along the route.

Backwash

A defaced Great Seal of the U.s.a. at the former US embassy, Tehran, Iran, as it appears today

In Iran, the release of the hostages did nothing to abate vehement anti-American rhetoric from the authorities.^[18] Anti-Americanism became an fifty-fifty stronger feature of the revolution. Radicals such as Musavi-Khoeniha and Behzad Nabavi were left in a stronger position, and those associated (or accused of association) with America were removed from the political moving-picture show.^[19]

In America, gifts were showered upon the hostages upon their return, including lifetime passes to any pocket-sized or MLB game.^[20]

In 2000, the hostages and their families tried to sue Iran, unsuccessfully, nether the Antiterrorism Human activity. They originally won the case when Iran failed to provide defence force, only the U.Due south. Country Section tried to put an end to the suit, fearing that it would make international relations difficult. As a result, a federal approximate ruled that zippo could exist done to repay the damages the hostages faced due to the agreement they made when the hostages were freed.

October surprise conspiracy theory

Diverse allegations have been made over the years concerning a deal betwixt the Reagan kitchen cabinet and Islamic republic of iran, in order to filibuster the release of the hostages until later the U.S. election of 1980. Although Senate and House investigations in the 1990s declared the allegations to exist unfounded, the conspiracy's existence, or lack thereof, remains a subject of debate. The verbal nature of the allegations lies in a potential violation of the International Commerce Acts of 1798 which prohibit any individual citizen or party from negotiating with a foreign power in matters of national policy or military activity. It is alleged by political opponents that the Reagan entrada, or 1 of his ballot campaign staffers, communicated with the Iranian government and asked them to extend the earnest crisis long enough to ensure that he won the 1980 elections. The main cause for inquiry was the seeming coincidence of his inauguration and the hostages' release on the same day, January 20, 1981.

Reagan's reputation theory

The Washington Mail service^[21] reported that many Europeans and leaders effectually the world thought that Reagan was "a cowboy" and "scary." Carter's campaign implied that Reagan was "a trigger happy cowboy."^[22] The Iranian hostage-takers in particular reported being unsure of what Reagan would do.^[23] Iranian doubt about Reagan's plans may have been the main motivation backside the timing of the release of the hostages. Iranian acrimony at Carter'south support of the Shah probable as well played a part. Such complex events usually have multiple causes and multiple players, so history may find whatever single motivation lonely bereft to explicate the timing of the cease of the crisis. Still, since the Reagan administration was found to have been selling weapons to Iran in substitution for hostage releases, and once again for repeated earnest taking and releasing, any proffer that the administration was not in cahoots with Tehran is baseless.^[24] If Tehran was "afraid" of anything, they were afraid of losing their secret defence force suppliers.

Hostages

Nov 4, 1979-January 20, 1981; 66 Original Captives—63 from and held at Embassy, 3 from and held at Foreign Ministry Office.

13 were released from November xix-November 20, 1979, and one was released on July eleven, 1980. L-two remaining hostages endured 444 days of captivity until their release on Ronald Reagan's Inauguration Mean solar day, January 20, 1981.

Six diplomats who evaded capture

• Robert Anders, 34—Consular Officeholder
• Mark J. Lijek, 29—Consular Officer
• Cora A. Lijek, 25—Consular Assistant
• Henry 50. Schatz, 31—Agriculture Attaché
• Joseph D. Stafford, 29—Consular Officer
• Kathleen F. Stafford, 28—Consular Banana

13 hostages released

From Nov 19-Nov 20, 1979, thirteen women and African-American personnel that had been captured and held hostage were released:

• Kathy Gross, 22—Secretary
• Sgt. James Hughes, 30—USAF Administrative Managing director
• Lillian Johnson, 32—Secretary
• Sgt. Ladell Maples, 23—USMC Embassy Guard
• Elizabeth Montagne, 42—Secretary
• Sgt. William Quarles, 23—USMC Embassy Guard
• Lloyd Rollins, 40—Administrative Officer
• Capt. Neal (Terry) Robinson, 30—Administrative Officer
• Terri Tedford, 24—Secretary
• Sgt. Joseph Vincent, 42—USAF Administrative Manager
• Sgt. David Walker, 25—USMC Embassy guard
• Joan Walsh, 33—Secretary
• Cpl. Wesley Williams, 24—USMC Embassy Guard

Richard I. Queen released

On July eleven, 1980, 28 year one-time Vice Consul Richard I. Queen, who had been captured and held earnest, was released because of a multiple sclerosis diagnosis. (Died 8/xiv/2002)

52 remaining hostages released

The following 50-two remaining hostages were held captive until Jan 20, 1981.

Thomas 50. Ahern, Jr.,—CIA coordinator (officially designated as Narcotics Command Officeholder) Clair Cortland Barnes, 35—Communications Specialist William E. Belk, 44—Communications and Records Officer Robert O. Blucker, 54—Economics Officer Specializing in Oil (Died 4/3/2003) Donald J. Cooke, 26—Vice Consul William J. Daugherty, 33—3rd Secretary of U.S. Mission Lt. Cmdr. Robert Englemann, 34—USN Attaché Sgt. William Gallegos, 22—USMC Guard Bruce Due west. German language, 44—Budget Officer Duane Fifty. Gillette, 24—USN Communications and Intelligence Specialist Alan B. Golancinski, 30—Security Officer John E. Graves, 53—Public Affairs Officeholder (Died four/27/2001) Joseph Yard. Hall, 32—CWO Military Attaché Sgt. Kevin J. Hermening, 21—USMC Guard Sgt. 1st Form Donald R. Hohman, 38—USA Medic Col. Leland J. Holland, 53—Military Attaché (Died 10/ii/1990) Michael Howland, 34—Security Aide, held at Iranian Foreign Ministry Office Charles A. Jones, Jr., 40—Communications Specialist, Teletype Operator. (only African-American earnest not released in November 1979) Malcolm Kalp, 42—commercial officer (Died 4/7/2002) Moorhead C. Kennedy Jr., 50—Economic and Commercial Officer William F. Keough, Jr., 50—Superintendent of American Schoolhouse in Islamabad, Pakistan, visiting Tehran at time of embassy seizure (Died 11/27/1985) Cpl. Steven W. Kirtley—USMC Baby-sit Capt. Eric K. Feldman, 24—Armed services officer Kathryn L. Koob, 42—Diplomatic mission Cultural Officer; i of ii female hostages Frederick Lee Kupke, 34—Communications Officeholder and Electronics Specialist L. Bruce Laingen, 58—Chargé d'Affaires, held at Iranian Foreign Ministry Part Steven Lauterbach, 29—Authoritative Officer Gary E. Lee, 37—Administrative Officer

Sgt. Paul Edward Lewis, 23—USMC Guard John Due west. Limbert, Jr., 37—Political Officer Sgt. James M. Lopez, 22—USMC Guard Sgt. John D. McKeel, Jr., 27—USMC Guard (Died 11/1/1991) Michael J. Metrinko, 34—Political Officeholder Jerry J. Miele, 42—Communications Officer Staff Sgt. Michael E. Moeller, 31—Head of USMC Guard Unit of measurement at Embassy Bert C. Moore, 45—Advisor for Assistants (Died 6/viii/2000) Richard H. Morefield, 51—U.S. Consul General in Tehran Capt. Paul G. Needham, Jr., 30—USAF Logistics Staff Officer Robert C. Ode, 65—retired Strange Service Officer on Temporary Duty in Tehran (Died 9/8/1995) Sgt. Gregory A. Persinger, 23—USMC Guard Jerry Plotkin, 45—civilian businessman visiting Tehran (Died vi/6/1996) MSgt. Regis Ragan, 38—USA NCO assigned to Defense Attaché's Office Lt. Col. David Thou. Roeder, 41—Deputy USAF Attaché Barry M. Rosen, 36—Press Attaché William B. Royer, Jr., 49—Assistant Managing director of Iran-American Society Col. Thomas E. Schaefer, 50—USAF Attaché Col. Charles W. Scott, 48—United states of america Officer, Armed services Attaché Cmdr. Donald A. Sharer, 40—USN Air Attaché Sgt. Rodney 5. (Rocky) Sickmann, 22—USMC Guard Staff Sgt. Joseph Subic, Jr., 23—War machine Police, USA, Defense Attaché's Staff Elizabeth Ann Swift, 40—Master of Embassy's Political Section; 1 of ii female hostages (Died five/vii/2004) Victor L. Tomseth, 39—Senior Political Officer, held at Iranian Foreign Ministry Role Phillip R. Ward, 40—Administrative Officeholder

Noncombatant hostages

A little-noted sidebar to the crunch was a minor number of hostages who were not connected to the diplomatic staff. All had been released by late 1981.

• Mohi Sobhani, an Iranian-American engineer of the Baha'i faith. Released 2/4/1981. (Died 7/12/2005)
• Zia Nassery/Nassri, an Afghan-American. Released ii/4/1981.
• Cynthia Dwyer, an American reporter, was eventually charged with espionage and expelled two/x/1981.
• Four British missionaries

Notes

1. ↑ The History Guy, Iran-U.S. Hostage Crunch(1979-1981). Retrieved June viii, 2007.
2. ↑ CBS News, Reagan's Lucky Twenty-four hours: Iranian Hostage Crisis Helped The Great Communicator To Victory. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
3. ↑ Ibiblio, President's Report to Congress on Iranian Sanctions. Retrieved June viii, 2007.
4. ↑ Abrahamian, Iran Betwixt Two Revoutions, (1982), p.164
5. ↑ Moin Khomeini, (2000), p.220
6. ↑ Marker Bowden, Amongst the Earnest-Takers. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
7. ↑ Time Magazine, Radicals Reborn. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
8. ↑ Moin Khomeini (2000), p.221
9. ↑ New York Times, "Doing Satan's Work in Islamic republic of iran," November 6, 1979.
10. ↑ The George Washington University, Reassembled Certificate shredded past the U.S. government prior to embassy takeover. Retrieved June eight, 2007.
11. ↑ Abrahamian, Ervand (1989), The Iranian Mojahedin (1989), p.196
12. ↑ Moin, Khomeini (2000), p.227
13. ↑ Moin, Khomeini (2000), p.229, 231; Bakhash, Reign of the Ayatollahs, (1984), p.115-6
14. ↑ Bakhash, Reign of the Ayatollahs, (1984), p.115
15. ↑ The Canadian Encyclopedia, The Canadian Caper. Retrieved June eight, 2007.
16. ↑ Mackey, Iranians, (2000), p.298
17. ↑ Museum of Aviation, C-130 Hercules: Credible Sport. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
18. ↑ Bakhash, Reign of the Ayatollahs, (1984), p.236
19. ↑ Brumberg, Daniel Reinventing Khomeini, university of Chicago Press, (2001), p.118
20. ↑ Washington Post, Rubber at Home. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
21. ↑ Washington Post, For Many, Appreciation Grew Over Time. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
22. ↑ The New Republic, Echo Offense: Why 2004 Could Be 1980 All Over Again. Retrieved June 8, 2007.
23. ↑ ABC News: The Century: The Evolution of Revolution, Role one: Alive from Tehran
24. ↑ Wikipedia, Iran Conta. Retrieved June 8, 2007.

Bibliography

• Bakhash, Shaul. The Reign of the Ayatollahs : Iran and the Islamic Revolution. Basic Books, 1984. ISBN 9780465068906
• Bowden, Marker. Guests of the Ayatollah: The Beginning Battle in America's War with Militant Islam. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2006. ISBN 0-87113-925-ane
• Ebtekar,Masoumeh and Fred Reed (January 20, 2001). Takeover in Tehran: The Inside Story of the 1979 U.South. Embassy Capture (Paperback), Publisher: alonbooks; ISBN 0-88922-443-nine
• Moin, Baqer. Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. Thomas Dunne Books, 2000. ISBN 9780312264901

External links

All links retrieved March 5, 2018.

• Remembering the Iran hostage crisis, BBCNews.
• Grand Theater: The Us, The PLO, and the Ayatollah Khomeini, Historical and Investigative Enquiry.
• Learning to Keep a Secret, Time.

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